Bangkok’s Democracy Monument (photo credit: minikin on Flickr)

The Nation’s Thanong wrote this on Twitter (h/t Bangkok Pundit) :

Don’t be misled by Freedom, Human rights, Democracy, globalisation and other crazy fashionable ideas. They are poisonous and hollow.

And this is what PAD’s Sondhi Limthongkul said on ASTV two months ago :

Sondhi also opines that he does not believe in the majoritarian system because Parliament is a place of evil. He will fight against the one-man-one-vote system because he wants a ‘Dharma-ocracy’ instead. If Mr Abhisit cannot achieve it, there should be a military coup. He adds that no one is bloodthirsty; people are just doing their duties.

Look, people like these two actually deserve some credits for speaking their minds so clearly. As a friend told me a while ago, these openly anti-democratic folks are much, much more tolerable than those confused, delusional politicians and elites who claim to stand for democracy but whose actions suggest otherwise.

Adding to that, ‘democracy’ is a loaded term anyway, and there are plenty of perfectly valid criticisms that can be made against what we perceive as a democratic system of government in today’s world. Is representative democracy the best system of government out there? Do politicians really listen to the people? Do ethics matter in politics? Some of what people like Sondhi say may sound crazy, but one should not be so quick to dismiss all of them as irrelevant or outdated. What Thailand really needs today is a serious, honest debate about the kind of politics we want to see and why. Everyone, at least within reasonable limits, should be free to voice their opinion without any inhibition or threats. I would encourage more of those who share Thanong’s and Sondhi’s views to similarly speak up rather than continue to pretend to love democracy for whatever fuzzy reasons they can think of.

p.s. In Sondhi’s case, why he still remains a co-leader of a movement that calls itself an alliance for “democracy” is beyond me.

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Sondhi also opines that he does not believe in the majoritarian system because Parliament is a place of evil. He will fight against the one-man-one-vote system because he wants a ‘Dharma-ocracy’ instead. If Mr Abhisit cannot achieve it, there should be a military coup. He adds that no one is bloodthirsty; people are just doing their duties.

นายสนธิแสดงทัศนคติด้วยว่า ไม่เชื่อมั่นในเสียงสวนใหญ่ เพราะรัฐสภาเป็นแหล่งของความชั่วร้าย และเขาจะต่อต้านระบบ one man one vote แต่ต้องการให้ปกครองในระบอบธรรมาธิปไตย หากอภิสิทธิ์ฯ ไม่ทำก็ขอเสนอให้ทหารออกมาปฎิวัติ พร้อมกล่าวด้วยว่าไม่มีใครกระหายเลือด มีแต่หน้าที่ ต้องปฎิบัตตามหน้าที่เท่านั้น

Interestingly, the ASTV founder has also quit as leader of the New Politics Party and is said to be renewing his focus on his media role (see Bangkok Post).

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1. Think Democracy is Nonsense? Say It out Loud
2. New Politics Party – Part One: 3 Reasons Why It Will Succeed
3. Coups and Elections: Honduras’s Parallels with Thailand

The New Politics Party, a product of the PAD’s decision to venture into the realm of electoral politics, recently captured the headlines with the selection of Sondhi Limthongkul as its leader. While the party itself was formed several months ago amid huge fanfare, it is its role on the political landscape from now on that will likely be a constant topic of discussion, not least among the increasingly nervous members of the ruling Democrat Party.

Despite predictions by some commentators that the NPP will face difficult times ahead, I would argue that, compared to other small and medium-sized parties currently in existent, the NPP does possess some important strengths that can enable it to become a force to be reckoned with when it comes to elections. Here I will present three key reasons why I think the NPP has the potential to be a major player in Thailand’s parliamentary politics.

1. Sondhi Limthongkul

No matter how one looks at it, Sondhi Limthongkul is the NPP’s greatest asset. A UCLA graduate, he possesses outstanding oratory skills and is highly knowledgeable of both domestic and foreign affairs. The significance of his role in the whole yellow, anti-Thaksin camp is widely acknowledged. His weekly talk show, which was taken off air under Thaksin in 2005 but continued to draw large crowds nonetheless, kick-started a powerful mass movement that later evolved into what we know as the People’s Alliance for Democracy today. Just like how the number of protestors at a UDD rally tends to peak during Thaksin’s phone-in, the highlight of a major PAD rally is almost always when Sondhi is on stage. It came as no surprise that the PAD, or at least those involved in the process of choosing the NPP’s leader, voted overwhelmingly for him to be the party’s head. Now, as the NPP leader, his ability to energise supporters around the country will provide a major boost to the party’s chance of success.

2. Media Empire

Sondhi’s rhetoric alone would have been nowhere near enough to topple Thaksin had there not been a channel through which the PAD’s messages could be spread to people, whether living in Thailand or abroad. And Sondhi’s Manager Group certainly has plenty of those. In addition to the daily newspaper and the consistently popular ASTV-Manager website, the ASTV satellite network has grown to become a household name and is one of the most effective communication channels at the PAD’s disposal. We all know what could happen when Sondhi decided to unleash all the power of his media empire on someone (previous targets include not only Thaksin but also the Democrat-led government from 1997-2000 and former Finance Minister M.R. Pridiyathorn Devakula). More recently, the launch of the English-language TAN Network and the Northeast-oriented Isaan TV represents the Manager Group’s growing ambition and confidence. The fact that the red shirts, in setting up its own TV station, essentially copied ASTV’s model is a testament to the Manager Group’s remarkably successful use of media.

Although, as Michael H. Nelson points out, the law strictly prevents the owning of shares in a media company by a political office holder, legal loopholes will certainly be exploited, allowing the Manager Group to continue attacking opponents as well as mobilising supporters to participate in NPP’s activities. It would be no surprise if other political parties secretly wished they were in control of such a vast and powerful media conglomerate.

3. Wealthy, Powerful and Mighty Backers

Throughout its existence, the PAD has been known for being associated with some wealthy and influential figures in the country. Usually, for a political party to be successful in Thailand it cannot rely on grassroots backing alone but it also needs support from military men, top bureaucrats as well as from well-off private individuals. When Sondhi’s early anti-Thaksin movement started to gain momentum, the income of his various companies rose sharply as donations, revenues and funds from undisclosed sources flowed in. Other aspects of the PAD’s link with society’s top brass are less clear, but it has been noted many times that the PAD’s criminal cases seem to progress so slowly through the country’s system. In addition, the very public display of support for the yellow shirts by certain members of the very top pretty much speaks for itself although this blog post will not go into that. In sum, political power brokers know only too well that the NPP cannot be underestimated in this regard.

Coming Up: New Politics Party – Part Two: 3 Reasons Why It Will Fail

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